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• Hondurans continue blockades of major highways to strangle coup • Juan Barahona, National Front Against the Coup: “We have no hopes for the talks” • ‘The U.S. position is a double position: publicly, they are against the coup but there is another position that supports it.’ * U.S. should comply with "complete economic and political isolation" of the Honduran coup
The official mediator of the Honduras conflict, President Oscar Arias, further alienated Honduran anti-coup groups by saying he will propose a coalition government and try to disuade elected President Manuel Zelaya from returning to his country. Arias also mentioned offering “amnesties”, although he did not specify for whom or on what terms. With talks scheduled to begin tomorrow, conflicting statements regarding Zelaya’s return, the terms of talks and the positions coup leaders will take make for an uncertain, and unpromising, scenario.
For leaders of the grassroots movements risking their lives to break the coup’s grip on power in their country, the news comes as proof that the mediation holds little prospect of solutions for reinstating the democratically elected president, ousted by the military on June 28.
The Americas Program talked to Juan Barahona, one of the principal founders and leaders of the National Front Against the Coup, to get his response on Arias’ statements in Costa Rica.
Barahona noted that the coup leaders cannot be considered valid counterparts for negotiating terms for the restitution of constitutional law and return of the president. He also rejected any prospect of imposing a cabinet in Honduras.
“The faculty of appointing a cabinet is a constitutional faculty reserved for the president, President Zelaya. He names the cabinet and a cabinet cannot be imposed or conditioned by anyone else. That is just unacceptable,” he said.
Barahona also discarded a negotiation that would include amnesty for politicians and military personnel behind the coup.
“The other aspect that’s unacceptable is to pardon the coup. They have to pay for their crimes of usurpation of power, violation of the constitution, and the deaths of the past days since the coup.” At least four protesters and opposition leaders have been killed by security forces and hit squads.
The organizations leading the peaceful demonstrations that have mounted over the past week have consistently called for plans to continue to hold a vote on a referendum to call a constitutional assembly, the measure that catalyzed the coup.
“The other thing we can’t give up is our right to hold a constitutional assembly,” said Barahona. “That’s a right we have been fighting for over these past days of actions that we won’t give up.”
The constitutional assembly lies at the heart of the differences between the wealthy oligarchy, backed up by the Armed Forces and the farmer, worker and indigenous organizations that look to change the constitution to guarantee a more just distribution of wealth in the sharply unequal nation.
When asked about the future of the talks, Barahona replied,
“We don’t see any possibilities to arrive at an agreement in the talks in Costa Rica. These talks could just be a way to buy time for the coup to consolidate its power and also to buy time to exhaust the resistance. We don’t have any hope for the talks in Costa Rica.”
A major knot in the talks regards the return of President Zelaya to Honduras. Coup leader Roberto Micheletti has stated that he will not be allowed to return to the country.
According to the latest reports, Zelaya said he will return to Honduras within 48 hours if the talks fail. His foreign minister, Patricia Rodas, told the press that Zelaya will soon be on his way back, in his second attempt to enter the country. "The establishment and installation of an alternative seat of government will be to direct what I will call the final battle."
For Barahona and the Front, Zelaya´s return is non-negotiable.
“We want the president to return to Honduras. If there is no agreement, the presence of the president here will strengthen the resistance and alongside him we can recuperate power that was usurped by the coup.”
Barahona reported that the blockades in major highways continue. “We will keep up our resistance. We have roadblocks throughout the country and today we maintained the occupations of highways from Tegucigalpa to San Pedro Sula, from Tegucigalpa toward to south and also the highway to the major port of Puerto Cortes. We also have blockades in Ocotepec and Olancho.”
In recent statements, the U.S. State Department has reverted to calling for a “return to democratic and constitutional order” without mentioning the reinstatement of Zelaya, although when pushed by the press spokesperson on July 14 Ian Kelly did say that restoration of legal order requires the return of Zelaya. This zig-zagging and the lack of firm actions by the U.S. to apply broader sanctions has caused doubts about the government’s position in Honduras. I asked Barahona about the U.S. position.
“The position of the United States is a double position,” he said. “The public position is that they are against the coup. But there is another very different position that supports the coup.”
“What we expect is for the United States to comply with the agreement of the OAS, which is for the complete economic and political isolation of the coup and they still aren’t doing it.”
Human rights and anti-militarization groups in the U.S. have launched campaigns to call for the reinstatement of Zelaya and return to constitutional rule. Barahona noted that the support received from groups in other countries has been critical to the resistance.
“We really need this support, it strengthens us. With the internal resistance and internacional support we can defeat the people who have carried out this coup.”
This is a video of an anti-Zelaya rally taken just days after the military coup in Honduras and shown on the the coup-run national television channel. It is typical of constant broadcasts from the coup-controlled press that seek to pound into the heads of Hondurans and the world the 1984-ish messages that run along the bottom of the screen in Spanish: "Our government is recognized by all Hondurans," "On to the elections next November!" "We are under a legally constituted government," "Substitution is in our legal norms," "Hondurans on the side of the Constitution," "Honduras has gained democracy."
Never mind that no Constitution in the civilized world, including Honduras', condones Armed Forces kidnapping a democratically elected president. Or that no country would recognize elections staged by a military coup. Or that the majority of Hondurans disagree with the forced exile of Zelaya and hundreds of thousands have hit the street calling for his return. The messages here are standard practice when attempting to justify the unjustifiable.
But this montage of doublespeak begins with an interesting twist. Initiating the rally, the speaker says, "We are not alone. I want to recognize a brave man by the name of Robert Carmona." The crowd, which would be deemed a "mob" by the mainstream press if it were against the coup, cheers wildly.
So who is Robert Carmona?
The man with the anglicized name who has become a hero to the Honduran coup is actually a Venezuelan businessman and lawyer and a veteran of rightwing coups. Carmona is credited with writing the decrees for the short-lived coup d'etat against President Hugo Chavez in April of 2002. The Apr 26, 2002 Miami Herald reports that after that claim to fame he arrived in the US the week of the 15th, where he sought asylum.
Carmona is co-founder of the Arcadia Foundation. The Arcadia Foundation bills itself as an anti-corruption group but its political agenda is up-front. Although it says it works in many countries, the media section lists only Honduras in specific actions.
The foundation launched a campaign in Honduras focused on the telecommunications company Hondutel. In the video Carmona is recognized as "the first to denounce the maneuvers of Hondutel" and thanked for leading to the coup's arrest, the day before, of former head of Hondutel, Marcelo Chimirri. Chimirri is among more than 1,000 people arrested by the regime since the June 28 coup. The campaign was aimed at weakening and ultimately bringing down the Zelaya government and the hat-tip at the rally explicitly revealed its role in the overthrow.
Honduras was finishing up an investigation of Chimirri, charged with accepting kickbacks for re-routing calls through a U.S. private carrier. The Justice Department fined the carrier, LatiNode, in the case.
In the end, armed force proved a faster route than the slow wheels of justice. Regardless of the merits of the case, the politicized nature of Arcadia's anti-corruption offensive was clear from the start. Carmona, along with Otto Reich, charged President Zelaya of complicity. The issue grew so hot that Zelaya threatened to file a defamation claim against Reich.
Otto Reich is another name that has come up repeatedly since the Honduran coup as the man behind the scenes. Although Arcadia has denied a formal affiliation, Reich was intimately involved in Arcadia's anti-corruption charges against the Zelaya government. Honduran government officials note that he was formally featured on the Arcadia site up until Sep 10, 2008 when he was erased from the web page. Reich is infamous for his involvement in the illegal Iran-Contra affair. A 1987 report by the U.S. Comptroller-General, “found that some of the efforts of Mr. Reich’s public diplomacy office were ‘prohibited, covert propaganda activities,’ ‘beyond the range of acceptable agency public information activities….’"
Under fire, Reich felt compelled to pen a guest column in the Miami Herald entitled "I Did Not Orchestrate Coup in Honduras." He spends the entire first half of this article attacking Venezuelan ambassador Roy Chadderton who denounced Reich's involvement in the OAS. He then goes on to say that he would have allowed legal processes to take their course.
Reich does not mention, or deny, his involvement with the Arcadia campaign or say anything about his activities in Honduras. He concludes, "Without my involvement, these steps (the legal charges issued after the coup) were taken. Therefore, under Honduran law, the new government is legal and constitutional. The United States should not betray our values by joining the efforts of some of the most repressive and undemocratic leaders of this hemisphere to seek the reinstatement of lawbreaker Mel Zelaya."
Reich thus contradicts his own title, which calls the events a "coup," and in passing accuses the entire 34-nation Organization of American States that have called for Zelaya's reinstatement "some of the most repressive and undemocratic leaders of this hemisphere."
Carmona and Arcadia's involvement in Honduras did not stop with the coup. Honduran Radio Globo reports that Carmona returned to Honduras after the coup. Luis Galdames, who hosts the radio program Detras de la Noticia, located him at the downtown Plaza Libertador Hotel in Tegucigalpa under a false name. He reportedly was in attendance at the above rally.
Why did Arcadia choose Honduras? A brief review of Carmona's recent writings reveals his abhorrence of progressive governments in Latin America and his broad political agenda to defeat them. Most recently he published a piece against the Feb 2009 referendum to lift term limits, saying "The regime (of Hugo Chavez) is desperate, faced with its eventual defeat next Feb 15. Venezuelans no longer believe in the revolutionary farce, in the equality it professes, in Chavez's participatory democracy. Only its beneficiaries and collaborators, some who scarcely believe in it themselves, accompany this destructive project in Venezuela." The referendum passed easily with 54% of the vote.
Carmona also campaigned heavily against the election of Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, comparing him to Chavez and calling him a wolf in sheep's clothing.
This string of failures in popular elections no doubt soured Carmona on the popular will. After exhorting, "The utter failure of populist regimes in the region dangerously opens up a new stage in the political history of the region. Let us hope that the people react in a more civilized manner than their political leaders and find a path that guarantees peace and stability in new societies", it has been the people who have continued to vote for candidates and measures calling for more equitable distribution of wealth and participatory measures like the constitutional referendum proposed in Honduras.
I attempted to reach Arcadia to find out its position on the Honduran coup and ask about the Reich connection and the recent activities of Carmona. The Washington and Mexico City offices answered with a cheery recording on the foundation's fight against corruption but then routed the call to voice mail with no human intervention. The New York office recording replied that it does not receive anonymous callers. The Weakest Lamb in the Flock
Arcadia picked Honduras to block the spread of "populism" by pushing for the fall of Zelaya. It picked Honduras because of its failures in other countries and because Honduras is a small, poor nation with a somewhat erratic president with a low approval rating and weak institutions. In other words, the international right picked Honduras because it was the weakest lamb in the flock.
The coup has consistently portrayed Zelaya as a tool of Hugo Chavez—you see more anti-Chavez signs than anti-Zelaya signs in the video. Coup leaders have developed a message that hides the aspirations of the Honduran poor (70% of the population) for a more fair and equal society. The desperate move to block the vote-on-a-vote over a constitutional assembly reflected their deep suspicion that it would win.
Honduras is a land of deep contradictions where an oligarchy has attempted to destroy logic through the force of repetition. Logic and basic human rights dictate that something has to give in the economic model. No society would be considered viable for long where the top 10% of the population earns 42% of the income, the free-zone wage is 63 cents an hour and more than 10% of its population has been forced to migrate to the United States. A population forced to live under those conditions cannot be called free. Whether or not you agree with what Zelaya did or how he did it, his overwhelming support among poor people demonstrates that he was attempting to take steps toward increasing their wellbeing.
That invariably comes at the price of the haves vs. the have-nots. And that's why Honduras has become a battleground for the international right—to preserve the privileges of the haves. Today the critical battle on that battlefield is to defeat the coup in the name of law and democracy; it bears repeating--a military coup cannot be tolerated in our Hemisphere or anywhere else on the planet.
But the coup would not exist if it weren't for the battle against entrenched interests and for greater equality. The U.S. Must Choose Sides
Ironically, as coup supporters scream "Whoever doesn't wave the flag is Venezuelan" at their rallies (did Carmona wave his flag, or not?), they have received significant outside help from the Venezuelan and U.S. right and other well-funded and organized rightwing organizations that will emerge as we continue to investigate the roots of the coup.
Despite the involvement of former U.S. diplomat Otto Reich, if the international campaign against the elected government of Zelaya were entirely run and carried out by private organizations like Arcadia, there would be little room for citizens to pressure the U.S. government. The revolving door that permits former diplomats like Reich to use contacts and inside information to carry out political agendas after leaving office, is an established and regrettable pillar of U.S. politics.
But unfortunately, efforts to topple the Honduran government do not end with Arcadia and raise questions about the involvement of U.S. government agencies. These are the opaque "democracy promotion" programs, in particular the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) that in turn channels funds to other government-affiliated and non-government organizations in Honduras and the U.S.
According to NED reports the International Republican Institute (IRI) received $550,000 "To promote and enhance the participation of think tanks in Mexico and Honduras as 'pressure groups' to impel political parties to develop concrete positions on key issues. Once these positions are developed, IRI will support initiatives to implement said positions into the 2009 campaigns. IRI will place special emphasis on Honduras, which has scheduled presidential and parliamentary elections in November 2009."
Under another NED grant, IRI received another $400,000 to "equip elected officials with practical institutional management skills" in Honduras, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic.
Obviously these "positions on key issues" are not politically neutral and represent U.S. interests, and yet the IRI does not specify to taxpayers what they are or whose U.S. interests they represent. Nor does it specify the criteria for selection of elected local officials within the country. Many of the groups who have reportedly received these funds now form part of the coalition supporting the coup. Similar programs were found to favor local governments rising up against the government of Evo Morales in Bolivia.
What little we know of these programs does not prove by itself U.S. government instigation of the coup. But in terms of self-determination and democracy, they constitute a reprehensible form of intervention, as well as being notoriously secretive with public funds.
It is no coincidence that Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen, strongly anti-Castro and ranking Republican on the house Foreign Affairs Committee, proposed an amendment to cut funding to the OAS for "its knee-jerk support of Manuel Zelaya" and transfer the $15 million to NED. The ideological bent of the institution is demonstrable and virtually undisputed.
The indigenous organization OFRANEH made these links in a recent communiqué:
"If a total economic blockade is not established against the de facto government, the polarization of the country will continue, promoted by the existing disinformation and the clamor of groups close to the most feudal sectors of the country. From the churches to the business groups to the shrunken middle class, the effects of the work of NED and the USAID can be felt in the country. For the OFRANEH, it is urgent that the Obama administration stop the work of intelligence agencies dedicated to destabilization and disinformation since they seek to create conflict between groups supporting the coup and the defenders of democracy. The government of the United States will be directly responsible for any bloodshed."
The U.S. government, including the Obama administration, has said it does not agree with Zelaya's policies. The Bush administration sought to isolate and undermine ALBA countries and center-left governments throughout its tenure. At stake was not so much an economic model in the abstract but the powerful interests of transnational corporations and national elites.
In Russia, Obama made a strong statement on the Honduran coup saying that self-determination is a principle that should be defended regardless of political differences. The U.S. government took strong steps early on to join with the international community to condemn the coup and call for the reinstatement of Zelaya. That hasn't worked. The attempt to pass the matter on to mediation has not worked either.
President Zelaya has issued an ultimatum saying he will consider the talks failed unless he is reinstated in the next meeting. The Obama administration also faces an ultimatum, this one from the international community and Hondurans putting their lives on the line in an attempt to restore their democracy: be consistent in upholding principles above shady interests or the attempt to build a new, respectful foreign policy will be considered hypocrisy.
In the short term this means: 1. Issuing the definition of the coup as a coup and suspending remaining aid as stipulated by law; 2. Removing Ambassador Hugo Llorens. In the strict sense, the Bush-era ambassador should not merely be withdrawn in line with the withdrawal of other ambassadors to the country but should be fired. At best, he was inept in avoiding the coup; at worst, he didn't really try. 3. Assuring the safe and immediate return of President Zelaya.
In the longer term, a public review of "democracy promotion" programs like NED and IRI forms part of the urgent need to coordinate a new consistent foreign policy in the region that will demonstrate the primacy of diplomacy and the principles of non-intervention and self-determination.
• Arias lays down terms: it is a coup d’etat, Zelaya must be restored to power • Micheletti returns to Tegucigalpa, spurning direct participation • Commissions set up on both sides to continue mediation process • Future of talks depends on coup • Members of U.S. Congress to present bill for suspension of aid
Following the first day of mediation in Costa Rica, President Manuel Zelaya, coup leader Roberto Micheletti and mediator Oscar Arias all appeared before the press to downplay what was clearly a setback for hopes of a timely solution to the Honduran stand-off.
Zelaya and Micheletti did not meet yesterday, although both were present in San Jose. Instead each met separately with Costa Rican President Arias. Then in an unexpected move, Micheletti announced he was returning immediately to Honduras, placing in doubt the future of any direct talks. He later stated vaguely that “he might return if necessary.”
Micheletti could not have been heartened by his prospects in this initial round of talks. In a definition of terms from the outset, Arias stated firmly yesterday that Honduras had suffered a coup d’etat, discarding Micheletti’s arguments that the destitution and exile of President Zelaya responded to legal processes.
At the Thursday press conference, Arias reminded observers that he was among the first heads of state to denounce the coup. Recalling an early scene in the coup drama that has now gone into its second week, he said, “I recognized it [as a coup d’etat] the same day it happened and called for the restoration of President Zelaya.” Zelaya was flown to Costa Rica Jun 28 by the rebel Air Force, where he appeared shortly after arriving in a press conference with Arias while still wearing his pajamas.
In laying out the parameters of the dialogue, Arias also said any proposal that bypassed restoring Zelaya to power was practically off the table. “It is very difficult to talk about a successful negotiation that doesn’t include the restitution of President Zelaya.”
OAS Secretary General Jose Insulza, who has spearheaded diplomatic efforts up to now but is not taking part in the mediation, left no doubt about the minimal requirement for a successful negotiation. Also in a televised press conference, he cited the OAS resolution calling for Zelaya’s restitution and issued a dire warning that if the Honduran coup is allowed to persist, “it could open the door to more coup d’etats in the region.”
Zelaya also called for "the re-establishment of the state of law, democracy and the return of the president elected by the Honduran people," a position he has maintained consistently throughout the conflict.
With the odds stacked against him, Micheletti dug in, saying that Zelaya’s return to power would not even be considered. "The topic not open to discussion is the return of ex-President Zelaya, unless he hands himself over to justice.”
Last night, Arias appeared tired but committed to further dialogue. After the day’s events, he cautioned against high expectations. "Dialogue can produce miracles but not immediate ones. This could take much longer than one might have imagined."
The mediator indicated that the sides will begin to analyze less diametrically opposed issues, leaving the controversial point of Zelaya’s return to last. "My recommendation is that we advance where it is easy and leave the most difficult point for the end," he told the press.
While both sides claim to have a commitment to the mediation and have appointed their respective commissions to continue talks, it is now difficult to imagine what progress can be made. The commissions cannot resolve the core issue and according to a CNN report filed before Micheletti boarded a plane to Honduras, “A talked-about third round, a meeting between Micheletti and Zelaya, was put in doubt by Micheletti's planned departure.”
Coup Will Decide Success or Failure of Talks
As expected in light of both OAS and UN resolutions to condemn the coup, the premises for the talks proved unfavorable to Micheletti’s hopes to consolidate his position as “president” until the November elections. It is therefore not surprising that he decided to return to his bastion of power in the Central American nation still occupied by the Armed Forces rather than expose his position to a mediation process that considers his claim to power illegitimate.
Reading from a prepared statement, Micheletti offered five points to the press, without divulging the contents of his three-hour meeting with Arias. He restated his argument that “no-one is above the law”, referring to legal claims against Zelaya; affirmed that elections will be held in November, promised that the electoral process would be “transparent and secure”, reiterated that at stake was the presidency and other posts, and designated a working group to carry on the discussions in San Jose.
In emphasizing the planned Nov 29 elections, Micheletti seemed to imply that his de facto regime would be overseeing the regularly scheduled elections. He did not mention putting up the date of the elections, a proposal that some U.S. intellectuals and others had assumed was the fallback position of the coup.
Because the mediator and multilateral organizations have established the return of Zelaya to power as a precondition for dialogue, the only way for the talks on Honduras to succeed is for coup leaders to back down. The ball is in their court.
But instead of returning the serve, Roberto Micheletti appeared to pocket the ball and run home with it yesterday. By leaving the talks and going back to the nation that has been held by the Armed Forces since Jun 28, Micheletti once more sends a message to the world that force trumps diplomacy. The physical act of going home is precisely what his counterpart—elected president Manuel Zelaya—cannot do ever since the Armed Forces exiled him and installed Micheletti in power.
With the mediation kicked down a notch to a meeting between commissions, Zelaya has embarked again on his peripatetic travels across the region. Today he flew to the Dominican Republic where he received state honors from President Leonel Fernandez, according to news reports.
Talks continue today in San Jose. At the same time, many fear an impasse already in the early stages of dialogue. The question is: if coup leaders hold the cards to success, what more can be done to pressure them toward a legal solution?
Although the all-important U.S. government has not cut off all aid to the coup yet, international economic sanctions are piling up. The World Bank, IMF and Inter-American Development Bank have frozen loans to Honduras under the coup. The U.S. announced a new cut-off of $16.5 million in military aid and the US Embassy in Honduras also warned that an additional $180 million is at risk. There are still many more pockets of U.S. aid that could be suspended, including security aid under the Merida Initiative, $100 million in a Millennium Challenge grant, and $42 million in development aid.
With a wait-and-see attitude still prevailing in the State Department on aid cut-off, members of Congress plan to present a bill today sponsored by Reps. Delahunt and McGovern “condemning the June 28, 2009 coup d’état in Honduras, calling for the reinstatement of President Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales, and for other purposes.”
The bill:
1) Condemns the June 28, 2009 coup d’état in Honduras and refuses to recognize the de facto Micheletti government installed by that coup d’état;
2) Calls on the Obama Administration to continue to refuse to recognize the de facto Micheletti government;
3) Calls for the reinstatement of President Zelaya as President of Honduras;
4) Urges the Obama Administration to suspend non-humanitarian assistance to the de facto
Micheletti government as required by U.S. law and as it deems necessary to compel the return of President Zelaya to office;
5) Calls for extensive international observation of the November 2009 elections once President Zelaya is returned to office to ensure that his successor is elected freely, fairly, and transparently.
6) Welcomes the mediation of Costa Rican President Oscar Arias and encourages the Obama Administration to provide any assistance President Arias requests in his efforts.
Several Republicans, including Florida Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen , the top Republican on the House Foreign Affairs Committee , have asked the State Department to restore aid.
There is no doubt that economic sanctions would have an effect on the country and its de facto rulers. Interviewed on Telesur, Honduran Ambassador to the UN Roberto Quesada warned that Honduras was heading for an “economic abyss” due to sanctions against the coup.
“Honduras has been struck by two huge catastrophes,” he said. “Mitch and Micheletti.” Hurricane Mitch hit the country in 1998, causing death and an estimated $3.8 billion dollars in damages.
Despite the hardships that sanctions would imply, more and more members of Honduran human rights organizations, the Zelaya government and the international community are speaking up in favor of sanctions to bring the coup leaders to mediation with viable proposals.
If the U.S. government does not decide at once to back up its positions with stronger consequences, its endorsement of the mediation process will ring hollow in international circles and continue to be ignored by the de facto regime that has entrenched itself against constitutional rule of law in Honduras.
* Costa Rican President Arias to Mediate Dialogue on "Restoring Constitutional Order" in Honduras * Zelaya Agrees to Dialogue to "Plan the Withdrawal of the Coup" * Obama: "America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected president" * More Massive Demonstrations in Honduras for Return of President * Some U.S. Aid "Paused", But No Numbers or Decision on Suspension Yet
In a press conference following the closed meeting between President Zelaya of Honduras and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Clinton announced an agreement to have Costa Rican President Oscar Arias mediate between the coup leaders and the government of elected president Manuel Zelaya.
"It is our hope that through this dialogue mechanism, overseen by President Arias, that there can be a restoration of democratic constitutional order, a peaceful resolution of this matter that will enable the Honduran people to see the restoration of democracy and a more peaceful future going forward.
Clinton affirmed the U.S. commitment to a "return to democratic constitutional order" in Honduras. She did not give details of the talks, saying the parties will determine the conditions and the issues.
When asked if the restoration of order meant the return to power of President Zelaya, she refused to confirm that position. "Now that we have a mediation process that we hope can begin shortly, I don’t want to prejudge what the parties themselves will agree to." State Department spokesperson Ian Kelly later dodged the question in the same way.
Zelaya and Clinton did not appear together to make the announcement. Several hours later, Zelaya gave a press conference in which he confirmed that he will be entering into the dialogue in Costa Rica "to plan the withdrawal of the coup." He noted that among the non-negotiable points are his return to the country and the people's rights to demonstrate and express themselves.
"We are not holding a negotiation. There are things that are non-negotiable—the restitution of constitutional order in Honduras. This is not negotiable anywhere, not in the position of the OAS, or the United Nations or the U.S. government." He stated that to negotiate on this point would be a betrayal of the Honduran people.
Clinton stated that the talks would be held in Costa Rica, not in Honduras. In the highly charged field of coup semantics, Clinton was meticulous in referring to "the de facto regime" and not using the word "government," which has become common in the mainstream press lately. On the other hand, by calling for restoration of the constitutional order rather than the return of President Zelaya, she fueled doubts about the U.S. commitment to bringing Zelaya, who has opposed the free-trade economic model in recent years, back to power.
While some analysts, including this one, viewed the statements as a possible wavering on the return of President Zelaya to power, Zelaya himself noted that both President Obama and Clinton have supported his return.
He stated emphatically, "We have no reason to doubt this position."
Zelaya cited Obama's statement today in Russia, noting "I am grateful for the words of the president of the United States."
"America supports now the restoration of the democratically-elected president of Honduras, even though he has strongly opposed American policies... We do so not because we agree with him. We do so because we respect the universal principle that people should choose their own leaders, whether they are leaders we agree with or not."
Aid, Ambassador and Airplanes Still Up in the Air
On the critical issue of U.S. aid, Clinton stated, "We have paused in the aid that we think would be affected by the letter of the statute. There is humanitarian aid, and that is a concern for us—the well-being of the people of Honduras. But we’ve made the decision to basically pause on any further aid." The government has still not made the official designation of a military coup in Honduras, which would automatically mean a cut-off of certain types of aid.
Ian Kelly, when pressed, added: "Basically, what we’re looking at is aid that would directly benefit the de facto regime down there, so obviously, that means military assistance programs. But we’re still – I mean, we’ve taken a policy decision to stop aid that might be subject to this – the statute. And so I think that’s kind of a broad definition. I mean, it’s still a fairly small percentage of our overall aid because most of our aid would not come under this statute. And this would be humanitarian aid, which goes directly to the people – it doesn’t go to the government – and any aid that would be construed as democracy promotion."
Kelly added that the U.S. Trade Representative would have to answer questions on any sanctions or suspensions under the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA).
In other controversial issues, Clinton noted that the U.S. has not decided to withdraw its ambassador, as other countries have and as many Honduran citizen organizations have demanded. She said that President Zelaya had thanked her for the ambassador's role in assuring the safety of his family during the coup and that the State Department would be analyzing the pros and cons of maintaining Amb. Hugo Llorens in Honduras.
Zelaya announced that the State Department issued an official letter suspending the Honduran ambassador in Washington, Roberto Flores, who supported the coup. Appointment of a new ambassador is pending approval.
Clinton also expressed her view that President Zelaya should not attempt to return to his country in the following days:
"I believe it [the dialogue] is a better route for him to follow at this time than to attempt to return in the face of the implacable opposition of the de facto regime," Clinton told reporters at the State Department."So, instead of another confrontation that might result in a loss of life, let's try the dialogue process and see where that leads, and let the parties determine all the various issues as they should." Zelaya stated that he will return to his country but did not give a timetable.
A new detail appeared when Zelaya described again his attempted return to Honduras on Sunday. He mentioned that two CASA planes left from the Soto Cano military base to intercept his plane as it approached Tegucigalpa for a planned landing.
Zelaya quickly added that the planes were Honduran planes and that the military base is a Honduran base shared with the United States for anti-narcotics operations under a cooperation pact.
In other developments, Under-Sec. of State Thomas Shannon met today with former Honduran president Roberto Maduro in Washington, a coup supporter. Zelaya dismissed criticism of this meeting, saying, "Maduro is not an official of anything. They have no reason not to receive him." He went on to question the national loyalty of an ex-president who supports a military coup. There are no reports, as of this writing, who the coup leaders, virtually orphaned among the international diplomatic community, were able to meet with. Rumors of the involvement of rightwing former diplomats and conservative non-governmental institutions in the coup have been cropping up repeatedly in recent days, prompting calls for investigation.
Hondurans Step Up Protests for Return of President
Before holding his press conference on the meeting with Clinton, Zelaya called Honduras to speak over loudspeakers to thousands of his supporters protesting in front of the Public Ministry office—an office that worked with his opponents in the congress and courts to run him out of office. His wife, First Lady Xiomara Castro, marched with the group and urged them to continue to demand her husband's return.
President Zelaya called on Hondurans to actively demand restoration of constitutional order in the country. He said demonstrations should be "non-violent, peaceful, but the people have to continue to struggle."
Given the pre-condition of the restoration to power of the elected president, expressed in the UN and OAS resolutions and by President Zelaya, no-one knows what exactly will be on the table for the upcoming negotiations but much will depend on the positions of the coup. Surrounded by international opinion and internal opposition, it may come down to ways to save face and avoid prosecution for treason. The Honduran Supreme Court suggested that Zelaya could be granted amnesty, but maintained that the Congress would have to decide. The coup seemed to be suggesting some kind of symbolic offers as the agreed-on dialogue begins. Via Campesina leader Rafael Alegria told Telesur reporters that "It's the coup that needs amnesty... The president has committed no crimes."
As mobilizations intensify in Honduras, the main pressure on the coup has shifted from the international community to the popular uprising in the streets. With the failure of international diplomacy to convince coup leaders to back down, grassroots organizations have taken the lead in this drama. The demonstrations have shown that the movement against to restore the president has increasing capacity to organize peacefully and to amass large crowds.
Criminalization of the opposition and repression has led to at least three deaths and the arrest of hundreds of pro-Zelaya persons. The curfew remains in place and is likely to be extended, affecting all aspects of Honduran life. Army troops occupy the airport and main streets of the capital city.
While Hondurans have accepted the dialogue, many expressed concern over a protracted process due to the extreme danger and tension in the country.
Zelaya said he expects to arrive in Costa Rica at around 4:00 p.m. tomorrow, where both Arias and Micheletti have agreed to begin talks.
The moment President Zelaya's plane came into view in the sky over the Toncontin airport, two things happened: tens of thousands of demonstrators awaiting Zelaya broke out in cheers to welcome it, and the Honduran armed forces mobilized on the landing field to prevent it from landing. In the fading light of dusk, the plane circled the landing strip several times. Then the voice of the president came over the airwaves.
Interviewed by Telesur, Zelaya said the control tower informed the pilots that air space was closed to all but military planes. The military vehicles parked on the runways made landing impossible. "I'm doing all I can do," the president lamented. "I'm in the cockpit and the two pilots are doing everything possible." He added, "If I had a parachute, I'd jump out of this airplane right now, but we can't land."
Of course, none of this was unexpected. The coup government had announced that it would not permit Zelaya's plane to land. The president announced he was coming back anyway. Both sides braced for the showdown. As demonstrators got close to entering the airport, security forces opened fire. Two were killed.
The plane carrying Zelaya, UN president Miguel D'Escoto and others, then flew to Managua, where Zelaya met briefly with President Daniel Ortega and on to El Salvador where Presdients Correa, Kirchner and Lugo, along with OAS Secretary Jose Insulza, awaited him.
President Zelaya's thwarted return to Honduras left several important lessons and once again shifted the Honduran conflict to a new battlefield.
First, Zelaya´s return today was meant to be just that—the return of the democratically elected president to his country and his presidency. But it was also meant to measure forces. Opposition to the coup has been seriously under-represented in the media. In Honduras since the coup, most of the media is either controlled by interests involved in the coup, censored or shut down altogether. Grassroots organizations that support Zelaya were also having difficulties traveling to Tegucigalpa. Military forces shot out the tires of their buses and set up checkpoints in many parts of the country. An undetermined number of anti-coup leaders have been arrested en route.
By nearly all reports, tens of thousands of Hondurans gathered in Tegucigalpa to march to the airport. They marched non-violently, as police and military units filled the streets. This was by far the largest demonstration against the coup since the president was kidnapped and the coup government installed on June 28--one very long week ago.
The sheer size of the demonstration today sent a strong signal to all sides. The crowds proved that President Manuel Zelaya has a solid base of support and his supporters are willing to risk their lives to assure his return. The coup´s message that Zelaya had alienated himself from all sectors of Honduran society fell flat as soon as the images and interviews of the march began broadcasting. Since the demonstrators marched unarmed and peacefully, it also showed that they were able to mobilize with discipline and adherence to non-violence. This undercuts any effort to portray pro-Zelaya forces as weak, violent or both.
A second message came out of the press conference held this afternoon by the coup government. In the conference, members of the directive of the coup sent out contradictory messages that left one with the impression of disorder in the ranks. They indicated a willingness to engage in dialogue with the OAS, saying they would welcome an OAS delegation in a declaration read by Martha Lorena Alvarado de Casco. But they also rejected outright any solution including the preconditon set by the OAS—the reinstatement of Zelaya. Coup members criticized the regional organization, saying that Honduras would not accept outside interference and complaining that the OAS was meddling.
By blocking the plane where Zelaya and the UN president of the General Assembly were traveling, the coup again demonstrated the frank disdain for international law and multilateral diplomacy that has characterized its actions.
Third, diplomatic efforts are beginning to show signs of the bicycle syndrome--if it doesn't move forward it will fall. The demands are clear and the world's nations have reached consensus: condemnation of the coup and the reinstatement of President Zelaya. But this coup, for reasons that still aren't entirely clear, seems to be immune to international isolation, reason, political consequences and legal arguments.
Since the thwarted landing, some media has begun to push negotiated solutions that do not recognize Zelaya's presidency. This represents backsliding from the global consensus. Proposals such as pushing up the elections while leaving the coup government in place, shouldn't even be circulating at this point. Canada's jarring proposal at the July 4 OAS meeting to review the circumstances of the coup also represents a step backward, since the OAS Secretary General has been doing precisely that for several days. Both a "senior administration official" and the Canadian representative of the OAS expressed views that Zelaya should not return to his country now. Although the Canadian ambassador to the OAS voiced concern for the Honduran president's safety, their comments also hint at a dangerous willingness to allow the coup to survive for at least a while longer.
Diplomatic efforts must move forward from the current position by stepping up pressures on the Honduran coup. The next step is economic sanctions. And on that one, the world's largest economy, Honduras' major trade partner and source of foreign income, the United States holds the cards.
Zelaya explicitly recognized this. After turning back, he stated, "Starting tomorrow, the United States, which has tremendous power, should take action."
"Specifically, the strongest government in economic matters, in aspects of the sphere of the dollar, for us is the United States. If they decide to live with the coup, then democracy in the Americas is over... In this sense, I ask the powers that have economic and commercial influence to apply measures when legitimate institutions of society side with barbarity and terror to commit abuses as in Honduras."
Zelaya had previously thanked the United States for its condemnation of the coup. In his latest comments he did not mention specific actions that the U.S. should take, although he was clearly referring to some form of economic sanctions.
The Obama administration has so far been silent on that point.
Meanwhile, international diplomacy is at a critical crossroads. The United States could backtrack and opt for a path of trying to prevent Zelaya from returning immediately, waffling on its rejection of the coup and delaying sanctions. Or it could move firmly forward in applying the needed sanctions and sending a strong message to the coup that its very existence is an affront to civilization in the 21st century and a threat to democracy and security in the hemisphere.
President Obama is being briefed continuously on the situation as he travels to Russia. The multilateral strategy up to now has been effective in creating consensus but not so effective in bringing results. The OAS resolution to suspend Honduras left the issue of economic sanctions to each nation to decide. Now is the moment for strong U.S. action.
The State Department will undoubtedly issue a statement today clarifying the U.S. position on what comes next. That statement must include concrete actions to add teeth to the diplomatic sanctions established up to now.
Three lines of force move to converge at the Toncontin International Airport in Tegucigalpa, Honduras.
One force—police and military units at the service of the coup—is charged with preventing the other two—a President and the people who support him—from connecting in a powerful circuit to reinstate the President. The march is now blocked by police contingents in a face-off at the entrance to the airport. Neither side will disperse.
As these two forces converge on land, the third is airborn and approaching the Caribbean. Telesur reports that at 3:00 p.m. a plane carrying President Zelaya, UN president Miguel D'Escoto, Honduran OAS Ambassador Carlos Sosa, the Foreign Minister, security personnel and members of the international press took off from Washington. In a Telesur interview from the airplane, Zelaya said he expected an atmosphere of joy on being reunited with his people. As Commander in Chief, he called on the armed forces to obey orders and stated his intention to begin a process of national reconciliation.
Meanwhile, at the airport, military and police forces have taken position to prevent demonstrators' access to the airport. Various media report that helicopters overfly the zone, a barricade has been formed of soldiers and police, and snipers are positioned on the rooftops.
Commercial flights have been canceled as the drama unfolds. The coup leader, dubbed foreign minister, Enrique Ortez, has announced that the plane will not be permitted to land. The coup has issued an arrest order against President Zelaya on 18 charges.
Coup leaders held a press conference at 4:15 eastern time denouncing troop movements on the Nicaragua side of the border and saying that Venezuela is attacking them in the media. The coup stated that it is willing to appoint a delegation for dialogue with the OAS and reasserted that Micheletti is the only president. Members called for Nicaragua and Venezuela "to stop distorting the peace in this region". It has not offered specific evidence of intervention or made concrete accusations. When asked if Nicaragua was preparing an invasion, Micheletti replied that "It is a psychological invasion."
Members of the coup directive also criticized the OAS decision to suspend Honduras and reiterated that the de facto government is legitimate despite the lack of recognition of the OAS.
Outside, the march of tens of thousands of people shouting "We Want Mel!" has up to now been peaceful and non-violent, following the instructions of President Zelaya. They are demonstrating a high level of organization and self-discipline, and have decided to move forward one step at a time. It appears that the police are backing up. Radio Globo interviewed representatives of the Taxi Drivers Association prepared to back up the march and receive the president and reports that the marchers have appointed people to watch for provocateurs and defuse any actions to provoke violence.
Nicaragua warned yesterday that it had news that the coup would attempt to provoke a violent response to discredit the marchers, as well as launching a media campaign to blame Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela for the confrontation.
For now, a tense calm prevails as marchers gain ground from a police seemingly unwilling to relaunch all-out repression of the crowd. In the morning, Radio Globo reporter Gustavo Ramos reported murmurs from within the ranks of both the police and the military that given the size of the crowd some units will not confront the marchers.
The atmosphere is heating up notably, despite the over three hours left until the president´s scheduled arrival. Diplomatic efforts failed to avoid this moment, and yet diplomacy continues to play a major role in pushing for a peaceful outcome. The presence of D'Escoto and other international figures on the plane raise the international political cost for the coup of violently intervening to stop the plane. The eyes of the world continue on the small nation.
President Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Cristina Kirchner of Argentina and Fernando Lugo of Paraguay and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS) José Insulza—originally thought to accompany the Honduran president—are flying on a separate flight to El Salvador to back up Zelaya's return.
It's always possible that the point of convergence could shift at the last minute. When asked about alternative landing plans, Zelaya responded elusively, "We have many options for arriving in our country and we have many mechanisms for doing it and for communicating with the people on the ground to receive us."
Here is the translation to English of the Statement of President Manuel Zelaya, issued July 4:
Compañeros and compañeras, fellow Hondurans, your president, Manuel Zelaya Rosales, speaks to you. I want to tell you that my destiny is tied to the destiny of the Honduran people. On the morning of June 28, while I was preparing to exercise my vote in a nationwide survey, I was the victim of assaults, abuses, violations and kidnapping, I was taken captive and expelled from my country by Honduran military forces. By these military forces that today have put themselves in the service of and in complicity with the voracious elite that squeezes and asphyxiates our people, obeying their orders and not defending our nation or our democracy. This is a blow to the Honduran nation and has made clear to the world that in Honduras there is still a kind of barbarity, and people who are unaware of the harm they cause to our country and to future generations.
Through these means of communication, I call for you to continue the participation of the people. The people are the principle actors of our democracy and of the solutions that must be found to the grave problems of poverty and inequality in our country.
As Hondurans, we have faced major problems and we have always know how to come together to move forward, and this is a huge opportunity to show the world that Hondurans are capable of confronting these problems in spite of the attacks by a criminal sector that today seeks to appropriate the fate of our nation and of our children.
I speak to the coup leaders, traitors, Judases that kissed me on the cheek to then carry out this major strike against our country and democracy: You must rectify your actions as soon as possible. You are surrounded, the world has isolated you, all the nations of the world have condemned you, without exception. There is general repudiation of your actions, your actions will not be ignored because international tribunals will hold you accountable for the genocide you are carrying out in our country by repressing basic freedoms and by repressing our people.
I am organizing my return to Honduras and I ask all campesinos, housewives, city-dwellers, indigenous peoples, youth and all the groups of workers, businesspeople and politicians that I have throughout the nation--mayors, legislators--that you accompany me on my return to Honduras. This is the return of the elected president, elected by the sovereign will of the people, which is the only form of electing presidents in Honduras. Let us not lose our rights and not permit that certain individuals begin to make decisions that should be made by the Honduran people, through their legitimacy and their popular will.
I am willing to make any effort and sacrifice to obtain the freedom that our country needs. We will either be free or we will be permanent slaves unless we have the courage to defend ourselves. Do not take arms, practice what I have always taught-- non-violence. Let them be the ones who bring violence, arms and repression. Make the coup responsible for every life of every person, for the physical integrity and dignity of the Honduran people.
We are going to arrive in the International Airport of Honduras in Tegucigalpa with several presidents and members of the international community. On Sunday we will be in Tegucigalpa, we will be accompanying you and embracing you to defend what we have always defended, which is the will of God through the will of the people.
Greetings fellow countrymen and women, may God protect you and bless you all.
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